India may get a better trade deal: Samir Saran on renegotiating with the US
ANIFollowing shifts in the domestic political landscape in Washington and the aftermath of the US midterm elections, Samir Saran (President of the Observer Research Foundation) reflected on the US trade strategy, where public tariff threats and aggressive rhetoric are frequently deployed as leverage to extract bilateral concessions before reaching a negotiated settlement.
Speaking with ANI, he said Washington's underlying foreign policy trajectory remains driven by persistent national interests rather than short-term electoral shifts.
Addressing the shift in trade and economic priorities, Saran noted, "Foreign policy is the last and least likely to be implicated by domestic election results... One is the trade and industrial policies that affect its partnerships around the world-unlikely to change. As soon as a country decides to be industrial policy first, tariffs come into play. So I don't think either tariffs or the trade policy is going to change."
Core foreign trade objectives, such as re-shoring industrial base, tariff oversight, and supply chain de-risking, demonstrate continuity across both Democratic and Republican administrations. Bipartisan consensus in the US Congress supports protection of domestic manufacturing and supply chain resilience against external monopolies.
Saran highlighted that high-decibel posturing and aggressive tariff threats are often merely the opening salvos of a larger deal-making exercise. In this environment, India does not need to rush into disadvantageous terms out of fear.
"Trump (US President Donald Trump) is transactional... He does what he says he will do," Saran observed, noting that Washington's aggressive public rhetoric is often part of a "loud negotiation" happening in real-time. Rather than succumbing to pressure, India's strategic imperative is to exercise patience and leverage its massive domestic market to extract better terms.
"We can wait it out till we get the right deal," Saran emphasised. "And I think that is, in some sense, the perseverance we must have in the pursuit of our objectives."
Rather than panicking over aggressive tariff rhetoric or domestic congressional oversight, Saran highlighted the transactional political mindset that defines contemporary leadership in Washington. He emphasised that aggressive public stances are frequently deployed as opening gambits in bilateral bargaining.
Analysing the core political logic governing American executive power, Saran offered a direct assessment of executive motives: "Trump serves Trump. Trump does not serve America. America serves Trump."
He further elaborated on how executive decision-making balances personal agenda with calculated direction. "There has never been a president more whimsical, but at the same time, never been a president who's so apparently whimsical and yet has a directional compass in his head. So he is serving himself... End of the day, he has a Trump agenda and that Trump agenda remains sacrosanct, even though we think he's playing the fool and playing to the galleries."
Because this transactional approach relies heavily on high-decibel posturing, India's strategic posture is not to rush into flawed concessions out of fear of executive mandates, but to hold firm while negotiations play out.
Saran analysed that India possesses both the market scale and strategic leverage to withstand pressure during renegotiations. As Washington re-evaluates its supply chains and trade relationships, India can afford to exercise patience to secure terms that safeguard its long-term domestic economic interests.
Framing India's negotiation mindset, Saran emphasised strategic perseverance. "We can wait it out till we get the right deal. And I think that is, in some sense, the perseverance we must have in the pursuit of our objectives."
Furthermore, India's willingness to adjust to emerging realities in Washington without sacrificing its domestic interests forms the foundation of a flexible, entrepreneurial foreign policy.
"We will have to adjust to what they decide eventually, how they want to proceed with their futures. So we will have to adjust and we have to be nimble, agile, entrepreneurial, clever, smart, politically astute. We'll have to make those adjustments to cater to what emerges out of Washington," said Saran.
Saran highlighted that key pillars of US international trade strategy-including resilient supply chains, de-risking from China, and legislative tariff oversight-enjoy broad support across political lines. As Congress seeks greater oversight over trade policies, India stands to negotiate from a position of relative strength.
Outlining the continuity across major policy areas, Saran stated, "Congress wants to be in the picture and wants to be part of the discussions that create the tariff policies that are going to serve America's industrial policy... The second was the resilient and sustainable supply chains and value chains and de-risking, et cetera, not going to change. I think there is consensus on that also."
Speaking with ANI, he said Washington's underlying foreign policy trajectory remains driven by persistent national interests rather than short-term electoral shifts.
Addressing the shift in trade and economic priorities, Saran noted, "Foreign policy is the last and least likely to be implicated by domestic election results... One is the trade and industrial policies that affect its partnerships around the world-unlikely to change. As soon as a country decides to be industrial policy first, tariffs come into play. So I don't think either tariffs or the trade policy is going to change."
Core foreign trade objectives, such as re-shoring industrial base, tariff oversight, and supply chain de-risking, demonstrate continuity across both Democratic and Republican administrations. Bipartisan consensus in the US Congress supports protection of domestic manufacturing and supply chain resilience against external monopolies.
Saran highlighted that high-decibel posturing and aggressive tariff threats are often merely the opening salvos of a larger deal-making exercise. In this environment, India does not need to rush into disadvantageous terms out of fear.
"Trump (US President Donald Trump) is transactional... He does what he says he will do," Saran observed, noting that Washington's aggressive public rhetoric is often part of a "loud negotiation" happening in real-time. Rather than succumbing to pressure, India's strategic imperative is to exercise patience and leverage its massive domestic market to extract better terms.
"We can wait it out till we get the right deal," Saran emphasised. "And I think that is, in some sense, the perseverance we must have in the pursuit of our objectives."
Rather than panicking over aggressive tariff rhetoric or domestic congressional oversight, Saran highlighted the transactional political mindset that defines contemporary leadership in Washington. He emphasised that aggressive public stances are frequently deployed as opening gambits in bilateral bargaining.
Analysing the core political logic governing American executive power, Saran offered a direct assessment of executive motives: "Trump serves Trump. Trump does not serve America. America serves Trump."
He further elaborated on how executive decision-making balances personal agenda with calculated direction. "There has never been a president more whimsical, but at the same time, never been a president who's so apparently whimsical and yet has a directional compass in his head. So he is serving himself... End of the day, he has a Trump agenda and that Trump agenda remains sacrosanct, even though we think he's playing the fool and playing to the galleries."
Because this transactional approach relies heavily on high-decibel posturing, India's strategic posture is not to rush into flawed concessions out of fear of executive mandates, but to hold firm while negotiations play out.
Saran analysed that India possesses both the market scale and strategic leverage to withstand pressure during renegotiations. As Washington re-evaluates its supply chains and trade relationships, India can afford to exercise patience to secure terms that safeguard its long-term domestic economic interests.
Framing India's negotiation mindset, Saran emphasised strategic perseverance. "We can wait it out till we get the right deal. And I think that is, in some sense, the perseverance we must have in the pursuit of our objectives."
Furthermore, India's willingness to adjust to emerging realities in Washington without sacrificing its domestic interests forms the foundation of a flexible, entrepreneurial foreign policy.
"We will have to adjust to what they decide eventually, how they want to proceed with their futures. So we will have to adjust and we have to be nimble, agile, entrepreneurial, clever, smart, politically astute. We'll have to make those adjustments to cater to what emerges out of Washington," said Saran.
Saran highlighted that key pillars of US international trade strategy-including resilient supply chains, de-risking from China, and legislative tariff oversight-enjoy broad support across political lines. As Congress seeks greater oversight over trade policies, India stands to negotiate from a position of relative strength.
Outlining the continuity across major policy areas, Saran stated, "Congress wants to be in the picture and wants to be part of the discussions that create the tariff policies that are going to serve America's industrial policy... The second was the resilient and sustainable supply chains and value chains and de-risking, et cetera, not going to change. I think there is consensus on that also."